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Credible Announcements for Low and Stable Inflation

Abis Getachew Makuria, executive committee member of Ethiopian Democratic PartyBy Abis Getachew Makuria

The recent occurrence of the price increase in consumers’ commodities is expected to raise the general inflation which was at a single digit for the last 15 months. Though the government put the blame on business community, the recently observed inflation across the nation is consistent to the existing theories of inflation.

Milton Friedman’s long lasting theory of inflation states that general price increase is highly determined by expectations. Robert Lucas widen the concept that these expectations are not only formed by past information but also based on current information from media, press, reports and government announcements as well.

The recently observed inflation highly attributes to change in expectations. These changes are mainly driven by the mechanism in which the budget deficit for the year 2014/15 is regulated and by the governments’ announcement of wage increase for the civil servants. These two recent economic phenomenons led to changes in expectations of inflation among economic agents. In this article I will try to discuss how these two economic occurrences have led to a rise in the general prices.

Before the legislative approved the 2014/15 budget, the media were stating that the budget deficit will be financed through the sell of the treasury bills and borrowing of the central bank. Though financing the deficit through TBs sell weakens and crowds out the private investment it might not necessarily lead to inflationary pressures. However, the announcement of borrowing from the central bank to finance the deficit will have an impact on inflation expectations and hence inflation.

In a country where the central bank is at the hand of government it is very hard for the pubic to trust government announcements about the money supply and borrowing. Economic agents are also uncertain whether the government is borrowing the right amount from the bank. In such a situation, if the government itself makes it public that it will borrow from the central bank to finance its deficit, then it is obvious that expectations about inflation will rise. This will then have a direct and immediate impact on prices too.

In addition, the shift in expectations is not uniform since the prices of same items in same markets vary here in Addis Ababa. From this one can understand that expectations are formed from personal judgement than the government announcement. Moreover, one can clearly see that economic agents do not have confidence on government announcements because if announcements have been trusted then the price increase could have been uniform.

If our country was blessed with strong labour unions and consumers cooperatives, they would have also faced the same problem in adjusting their wages and prices, respectively. This is mainly due to blurred view on the new money that will be injected into the economy. Because of such unclear information, economic agents could not set their share in the economy given the nations’ total output.

To remove the problem of higher expectations of inflation that is associated with the budget deficit, government should take measures of making the central bank independent. If the central bank is independent from the hands of executive and accountable to the legislative, then the public confidence raises that the incumbent government will not borrow money as it wishes.

Though it is hard for a developing country such as ours to have a fully fledged independent central bank that targets inflation, at least it is possible for the government to offer partial independence for the bank by making it accountable to the legislative and providing it freedom of choosing policy instruments. On the other hand, the goal can be set with national consensus through negotiations between representatives of economic agents such as the business
community, labour unions, consumers’ cooperatives, government, etc… This point should be scientifically confirmed too. In other words, this is the level of inflation that facilitates growth at its optimum level. In such a case, the central bank will not only have a single goal of inflation targeting but also will have a goal of economic expansion. Hence, once the goal is set the central bank should be independent in choosing monetary policy instruments which is coherent to other policies in order to achieve the threshold level of inflation. In addition, to strengthen the check
and balance the central bank should be accountable to the legislative body of the government. Hence, inflation expectation due to budget deficit adjustment can be solved in such a way.

The second phenomenon that triggered the inflation expectation is the governments’ announcement of the nationwide wage increment for the civil servants. Though the government argues that the scale is not even announced to raise the inflation level, the announcement alone is adequate to trigger expectations.

An increase in the wage level should be appreciated. However, if the increment or the announcement is not associated with productivity and improved service provision, then it will lead to sever inflation and economic chaos. In our everyday life we witness the increasing corruption, mal administration and the mix of governmental and party doings in the civil service which is partial evidence that productivity and service provision of the civil service is
deteriorating through time. Thus, economic agents adjust their inflation expectations to the higher level due to the belief that new money injected into the economy without improvement in productivity.

Though the initial intention of the government was to improve the living condition of the civil servants but the opposite effects are already being witnessed. Therefore, the bottlenecks of the civil service should have to be resolved and it is necessary to create a productive environment at the civil service before the wage increment. At least, such measures could create trust among the public that the salary increase is consistent with improved productivity.

However, creating a productive environment and removing the bottlenecks of the smooth functioning of the civil service may take time. Thus, these policy measures could be taken as long term solutions. In the short run, pro urban poor measures can be taken to ease the cost of living such as subsidizing major consumption items like kerosene and selected cereals too.

In general, the expectation on inflation is the main source of the recently observed inflation. To lower expectations of the public the government is announcing every time that there is no ground of inflation to occur in the country. It further points finger on few greedy and irresponsible traders. In my opinion, traders are of course few compared to the total population of the country but few among the traders can not create nationwide inflation. Hence, government should focus on making its announcements to be credible. For government announcements to be credible there have to be measures to be taken like the move to have partially independent central bank and creating conducive environment to promote productivity and remove the supply side problems.

የፖለቲካ ፍቃደኝነት ለላቀ የግብርና ምርታማነት

Abis Getachew Makuriaበአቢስ ጌታቸው

የግብርና ምርታማነትን እድገት ከሚወስኑት ግብዓቶች መካከል መሬት፤ ካፒታል፤ የሰው ሀይል፤ እውቀት እና ቴክኖሎጂ በግንባር ቀደምትነት የሚጠቀሱ ናቸው፡፡ ከነዚህ መሰረታዊ የግብርና ምርትን ከሚወስኑት ነገሮች (determinants) መካከል ሀገራችን ኢትዮጵያ ያላት የካፒታል፤ የእውቀት እና የግብርና ቴክኖሎጂ እጅግ በጣም ኋላ ቀር ሊባል የሚችል ነው፡፡ እነዚህ የግብርና ምርታማነት የሚወስኑት ነገሮች (determinants) ኋላ ቀር መሆን ለግብርናው ዘርፍ ምርታማነት እና እድገት አሉታዊ ተጽእኖዎች ይኖሩታል፡፡ ከላይ ከተዘረዘሩት ወሳኝ ግብዓቶች መካከል የእርሻ መሬት የአገራችን የግብርና ዘርፍ ካለው ብቸኛ ሀብት ውስጥ ሊጠቀስ የሚችል ነው፡፡ ይህንን ብቸኛ ሀብት በትክክለኛው መንገድ መያዝ ለዘርፉ ያለው ብቸኛ ወቅታዊ አማራጭ ነው፡፡

በአገራችን ያለው የመሬት ፖሊሲ ከርዕዮተ አለማዊ አስተሳሰብ የመነጨ ሆኖ ሳለ አገራዊ መግባባት ሳይደረስበት ሕገ-መንግስታዊ ሆኗል፡፡ በእርግጥ አንድን አገራዊ ጉዳይ በተለይ እንደመሬት አይነትን ብቸኛው ሀብታችንን የተመለከተ አገራዊ ፖሊሲ ሕገ-መንግስታዊ ለማድረግ ብዙ ዉይይት እና ምክክር በተደጋጋሚ ማድረግን የሚጠይቅ ቢሆንም በአንድ ትውልድ ጊዜ ያውም ከእዝ ኢኮኖሚ ተላቆ ስለ ገበያ ኢኮኖሚ እና ስለ አለም ሁኔታ በውል ባልተረዳ ትውልድ በተደረገ “ውይይት” እና “መግባባት” በሚያሳዝን መልኩ መጪዎቹ ትውልዶች እንዲገዙበት ተገደዋል፡፡ በዚህ ጽሁፌ ላይ በአሁኑ ጊዜ ያለውን የመሬት ፖሊሲ በግብርናው ዘርፍ እድገት እና በአጠቃላይ የአገሪቱ የኢኮኖሚ እድገት ላይ ያለውን አሉታዊ ተጽእኖ ለመዘርዘር እሞክራለው፡፡

በአሁኑ የመሬት ፖሊሲ የከተማም የገጠርም መሬት ሙሉ በሙሉ የመንግስት በሆነበት ሁኔታ በአንደኛ ደረጃ የትኛውም አርሶአደር የመሬቱን ለምነት፤ ልስላሴ እና ምርታማነት ለመጠበቅ ገንዘቡን እና ጊዜውን ለማፍሰስ ፍላጎት አያድርበትም፡፡ በተግባር እንደታየውም ሚሊየነር አርሶአደር ተፈጥሯል በሚባልበት በአሁኑ ጊዜ እንኳን አርሶአደሩ ከመንግስት በብድር የሚሰጠውን ማዳበርያ ከመጠቀም ውጭ በራሱ ተነሳሺነት መሬቱን በአግባቡ ለመያዝ ያለው ቁርጠኝነት በእጅጉ ያነሰ ነው፡፡ ለምሳሌ በባህላዊ መንገድ የሚደረጉ የእርሻ መሬት አያያዝ እንደ ሰብልን እየቀያየሩ ማምረት (Shifting cultivation) እና ጦም ማሳደር (fallow) በአርሶአደሩ ዘንድ እንደ ቅንጦት የሚታዩ ሆነዋል፡፡ ለዚህም የመሬት የባለቤትነት ዋስትና ያለመኖር የመሬትን ለምነት እና ምርታማነት እንዳይጠበቅ ምክንያት ሆኗል፡፡ በተጨማሪም መንግስት በተለያዩ የአገሪቱ ክፍሎች ሰፋፊ የእርሻ መሬት ለባለሀብቶች ሲሰጥ ገበሬውን ከአካባቢው እያፈናቀለ ነው የሚለው ወሬ ገበሬው “ነግ በኔ ነው” በሚል የእርሻ መሬቱን ለምነትን መጠበቅ የሚለውን ሀሳብ እርግፍ አድርጎ ትቶት ይገኛል፡፡

ሁለተኛ አሁን ያለው የመሬት ፖሊሲ በገጠር የሚገኘውን ወጣት የህብረተሰብ ክፍል እጅግ እየጎዳው ይገኛል፡፡ በዚህ ጊዜ በገጠር የሚኖር ወጣት የህብረተሰብ ክፍል መሬትን ህጋዊ በሆነ ሁኔታ (በመግዛትም ሆነ ከመንግስት የማግኘት) እድሉ በጣም የጠበበ በመሆኑ ያለው አማራጭ ከቤተሰቡ የሚያገኘው ሽርፍራፊ መሬት ብቻ ይሆናል፡፡ይህ ደግሞ የእያንዳንዱ ቤተሰብ መሬት ይዞታ ከትውልድ ትውልድ እንዲቀንስ የሚያደርግ ሲሆን በመጨሻም ሁሉም ተያይዞ እንዲደኸይ የሚያደርግ መሆኑን ያሳያል፡፡ በወቅታዊው የናይትሮጂን ቴክኖሎጂ ምንም እንኳን በትንሽ መሬት ላይ ብዙ ምርት ማግኘት ቢቻልም አርሶአደሩ ባለው የካፒታል እና የቴክኖሎጂ እጥረት ይህንን ማድረግ ይከብደዋል፡፡ እነዚህ እጥረቶች ለመቅረፍ በመንግስት በኩል የተለያዩ ድጋፎች ለአርሶአደሩ ቢደረጉም እስካሁን የሚፈለገውን ያህል ለውጥ በተፈለገው ጊዜ ሊያስገኙ አልቻሉም፡፡

ሌላው የመሬት ሙሉ ባለቤትነት በመንግስት እጅ መሆኑ በሌላ አነጋገር አገሪቷ በዋናነት ያላት ሀብት በብቸኝነት በመንግስት እጅ ሆነ ማለት ነው፡፡ ይህ ሀብት አርሶአደሩ አንደፈለገው መሸጥ እና መለወጥ አለመቻሉ መንግስት በአሁኑ ጊዜ ሊተገብረው ለሚያስበው የመንደር ማሰባሰብ ፕሮግራም ትልቅ እንቅፋት ሆኗል፡፡ አርሶአደሩ ለመሬቱ ተገቢውን የገበያ ክፍያ ሳያገኝ ወደሌላ ቦታ ለመሰባሰብ የሚኖረው ፈቃደኝነት እጅጉን ያነሰ ነው፡፡ ይህ ፈቃደኝነት ቢኖር እንኳን በመንደር በሚሰባሰብበት ቦታ ራሱን ለማደራጀት በቂ ገንዘብ ስለማይኖረው ወደባሰ ድህነት እንጂ መንደር በማሰባሰብ ፕሮግራሙ ራሱን ተጠቃሚ የሚያደርግበት የተመቻቸ መደላደል አይፈጠርለትም፡፡

መሬት ሙሉ በሙሉ በመንግስት እጅ መያዙ የሚያደርሰው አራተኛ ተጽእኖ የበቃ፤ በራሱ የሚተማመን እና በነፃነት ለራሱ የሚወስን ትውልድ ከመፍጠር አንፃር የሚፈጥረው ፈተና ነው፡፡ ከላይ እንደተጠቀሰው የሰው ሀይል አንዱ የግብርና እንዲሁም የአገር ኢኮኖሚ እድገት አስተዋጽኦ የሚያደርግ ግብዓት (determinant) ነው፡፡ የሰው ሀይል በአገር እድገት ላይ አስተዋጽኦ አንዲያደርግ እንዲሁም ምርታማ እንዲሆን በመጀመርያ በራሱ የሚተማመን እና ለራሱ የሚወስን ወጣት ሀይል መሆን ይጠበቅበታል፡፡ አገራችን በሰው ሀብት የታደለች አገር ብትሆንም በራሱ የሚተማመን እንዳይሆን ግን በእጁ የያዘው ሀብት ባለመኖሩ ከዛሬ ነገ የያዘውን መሬት እንዳይነጠቅ የሚፈራ እና የሚለማመጥ ዛሬ በገጠሩ ወጣት ዘንድ ማየት አዲስ ነገር አይደለም፡፡ በዚህም ምክንያት በርካታ በገጠር አካባቢ የሚኖር ወጣት የማያምንበትን፤ የማይጠቅመውን እንዲሁም አንዳንድ ጊዜ ለሚቃወመው ሀሳብ እንኳን ሳይወድ በግድ ሀብቱን እና ጥሪቱን እንዳይቀማ ሲል ሲደግፈው እና ሲመርጠው ይታያል፡፡ በርካታ የለውጥ አቅም ባለበት በገጠሪቷ ኢትዮጵያ እንዲህ አይነት ትውልድ መፈጠሩ ጊዜያዊ የፖለቲካ ትርፍ ቢያስገኝም ለዘላቂ አገር ግንባታው ሂደት ግን አሉታዊ አስተዋጽኦ እንጂ ምንም አይነት በጎ አስተዋጽኦ አይኖረውም፡፡

በሌላ በኩል መሬት በግል ባለቤትነት አለመያዙ መሬትን በአግባቡ በማይጠቀሙበት ሰዎች ስር እንዲሆን ሲያደርግ በተቃራኒው ደግሞ መሬትን በሚገባ ሊጠቀሙበት የሚችሉ ካፒታል፤ ቴክኖሎጂ እና እውቀት ያላቸው ሰዎች ተጨማሪ መሬት እንዳያገኙ እንቅፋት ይሆንባቸዋል፡፡ በእርግጥ ከቅርብ ጊዜ ወዲህ መሬትን ከአርሶአደሩ በኪራይ አግኝተው ምርት ማምረት የጀመሩ ሰዎች ቢኖሩም እነዚህ ሰዎች የኪራይ መሬቱ ለምነት እና ደህንነት እንዲጠብቁ የሚገፋፋቸው አንዳችም ምክንያት የለም፡፡ ምክንያቱም የመሬትን ለምነት ለመጠበቅ ከፍተኛ ጊዜና ገንዘብ ለማውጣት ምንም ዋስትና የላቸውምና ነው፡፡ መሬቱን መግዛት የሚችሉበት ሁኔታ ተፈጥሮ ቢሆን ኖሮ ለገዥውም ለሻጩም ታላቅ ጥቅምን ባስገኘ ነበር፡፡ ነገር ግን በመንግስት በኩል ገበሬው ጥቅሙን የማያውቅ እና ጥቅሙን አሳልፎ የሚሰጥ ነው ተብሎ ስለሚገመት አርሶአደሩ መሬቱን መሸጥ ሳይችል እንዲሁ እውቀቱና ቴክኖሎጂው ካለው ገበሬ ባነሰ ሁኔታ እያመረተ መቀጠሉ ለአገሪቱ የግብርና እድገት አንዱ ማነቆ ሆኖ ይቀጥላል፡፡

በአጠቃላይ የመሬት ባለቤትነት ጉዳይ ለግብርናው ዘርፍ እድገት ከፍተኛ አስተዋጽኦ የሚያደርግ ስለሆነ አሁን በስራ ላይ ያለው የመሬት ፖሊሲ በአስቸኳይ ሊከለስ ይገባዋል፡፡ ይህንን ለማድረግ የግብርና ዘርፉን ችግር እና በአገሪቱ ያለው የመሬት ፖሊሲው የኢኮኖሚ እድገት ላይ ያለውን ማነቆ መረዳት ብቻ ሳይሆን የፖለቲካ ፈቃደኝነት እና ቁርጠኝነትንም (political will)  ይጠይቃል፡፡ ገዥው ፓርቲ ኢህአዴግ የፖለቲካውን መዘውር ለመያዝ ቁልፍ የኢኮኖሚ ሀብትን መያዙ ለአገራችን ሁሉን አቀፍ እድገት የራሱን አሉታዊ ሚና ይጫወታል፡፡ በመሆኑም ከገዥው ፓርቲ የፖለቲካ ፍቃደኝነትን በመሬት ጉዳይ ላይ ይጠይቃል፡፡ በተመሳሳይ መልኩ እኛ ተቃዋሚ ፓርቲዎች ለአገር አንድነት እና ብሔራዊ ጥቅም እንደምንሰራ እርስ በእርሳችን እና ከገዥው ፓርቲ ጋር መተማመን ይኖርብናል፡፡ ገዥውን ፓርቲ ከጊዜያዊ ጥቅም ብሔራዊ ጥቅምን አስቀድም እያልን እኛው ራሳችን ባገኘነው ቀዳዳ የፓርቲያችንን እና የድርጅታችንን ጊዜያዊ ጥቅም የምናሳድድ ከሆነ ለጥያቄያችን ከገዥው ፓርቲ አወንታዊ ምላሽ መጠበቅ አይኖርብንም፡፡ ስለዚህ የፖለቲካ ቁርጠኝነቱን ከገዥው ፓርቲ ብቻ ሳይሆን ከሁላችንም በኩል መሆን ይጠበቅበታል፡፡

የመሬት ጉዳይ ሕገ-መንግስታዊ ጉዳይ እንደመሆኑ መጠን የፖለቲካ ፍቃደኝነት ያስፈልጋል ሲባል ሕገ-መንግስቱን ራሱ
ሕገ””-መንግስቱ በሚፈቅደው መልኩ እንዲሻሻል የፖለቲካ ፍቃደኝነትም ያስፈልጋል ማለት ነው፡፡ ከገዥው ፓርቲ በኩል ሕገ-መንግስቱን እንደማይነካ ቃል አድርጎ መቁጠር በተቃራኒው ደግሞ ሌሎች ተቃዋሚዎች እንደሚያራምዱት አይነት ሕገ-መንግስቱን የተጻፈበትን ቀለም ያህል ዋጋ እንደሌለው አድርጎ መቁጠር እና እውቅና አለመስጠት መጨረሻው አገርን ታላቅ ዋጋ የሚያስከፍል አካሄድ ነው፡፡ ፖለቲካ እንደ አገሩ ኢኮኖሚያዊ እና ማህበራዊ ተጨባጭ ሁኔታ ተለዋዋጭ በመሆኑ በአንድ ትውልድ ጊዜ በተረቀቀ ሕገ-መንግስት መጪዎቹ ትውልዶች ይተዳደሩበት ማለት የማይሰራ አስተሳሰብ ነው፡፡ ስለሆነም በ1980ዎቹ አጋማሽ ላይ በነበረ ትውልድ የተቀረፀ ሕገ-መንግስት የ21ኛው ክፍለ ዘመን መጀመርያ ላይ ያለ ትውልድ ሊያሻሽለው ግድ ይሆናል፡፡ በዋናነት የመሬት ጉዳይ በአገራችን የኢኮኖሚ እድገት ጉዞ ላይ ባጠላው ጥላ ምክንያት ሕገ-መንግስቱን መከለስ ቢያስፈልግም እንደጊዜው ሁኔታ ሌሎችም አንቀጾችም የሚሻሻሉበት ሁኔታ በዘላቂነት ሊፈጠር ይገባል፡፡

The Paradox of Democratic and Developmental State in Ethiopia

Abis Getachew MakuriaBy Abis Getachew Makuria

After most African countries obtained their independence in 1960’s, their primary task was to alleviate poverty and bring their economy in the appropriate development path. On the debate of which way development and prosperity can be achieved, the leading role of the government in the economy was at the centre of the stage. This thinking was popular because of the then famous Keynesian thinking that government led expansionary fiscal policies could make a positive change in the development process of the country. However, this thinking was under counter attack by Neoliberals in 1980’s and 90’s suggesting a very limited role of the government in the working of the markets. Most African countries have shifted to this neoliberal thinking through Structural Adjustment Programs (SAPs) of Bretton Woods Institutions. The final result of these policies had left a sever disaster to the economic development of the continent.

During the first years after the fall of the military regime, Ethiopia has also implemented the SAPs in certain aspects. Since these policies became out of fashion by the end of 1990’s, the government has officially announced in the year 2001 that it is following the Developmental State path that took the South East Asian Tigers to the growth success. The Ethiopian government promotes this thinking to other African countries pointing out the average double digit growth of the country since it became “developmental”. The main aim of this article is on how far we can go as a nation with the developmental state thinking. It also attempts to address if sustainable development can be achieved in the developmental state path.

The developmental state has two approaches: the economic approach and the political approach. The political approach focuses mainly on the nature and capacity of the state. Regarding the nature of the state it has to be autonomous and independent and regarding the capacity it requires a high quality bureaucracy. To achieve this it suggests attracting educated and independent man-power to governmental offices. The economic approach, on the other hand, mainly depends on market failure and its suggestion of the government intervention. Though these developmental suggestions are still in question in their practice in Ethiopia the main concern is still on how far we can go with the developmental state thinking.

The main target of the developmental state focuses on the early stage of growth and industrial transformation which makes it difficult to have long-term planning unless supported by the right centred or left centred political stand. In order to have an intergenerational long term institutional planning there has to be a political principle that has to guide future planning as well. Johnson Chalmers who first coined the term “developmental state” wanted to represent the countries of South East Asia who had an economic growth miracle and not regarded it as an ideology to be governed with. All developed countries in the world, even the very liberal ones had a growth history of government intervention but they could made long term planning that has enabled them to have a sustained development. A country such as United States that is at the peak of development has right wing ideology while China that is at the peak of economic growth has a leftist ideology. No matter what kind of ideological stand they have, these countries can build their institutions that dreams for the next generation. But when we come to the case of Ethiopia, we are twin hearted that is neither right centred nor left centred that made us, as a nation, failed to build strong political and economic institutions. Such failure may not end on this generation but may have an impact on the coming generation since it transfers ill suited institutions that could not reconcile the conflicts between: autonomy and accountability; growth and distribution; consensus and inclusiveness.

The other concern of the practicability of developmental state in Ethiopia is whether it can bring sustained development in the country. The term development itself has social, economic and political characteristics and hence advancement of each character is required for a development to be categorized as successful and sustainable. As a nation starts to develop economically and when the middle income class society starts to emerge it is natural that the society questions for democratic rights. The common, if not the universal, feature of the developmental state is its authoritarianism. Such a pressure may limit the life of the ruling party as a government becoming its own grave-digger. Due to this authoritarian behaviour of developmental state model, it raises a question whether the party on power has devotion for a persistent and flourishing development in the country.

Our concern is strengthen when we see figures of employment transfer from agricultural to the industrial sector, which shows the industrialization process and uphold of development. The transfer is insignificant though fast and rapid economic growth is underway for the last decade, showing how the policies have failed to bring structural changes in the country. From the world experience, for a late catch-up country there is high opportunity for such radical transformation which is absent in the case of Ethiopia. Focus is on place for the industry and manufacturing sector in the Growth and Transformation Plan (GTP) but within the last four years compared to our neighbouring countries Kenya and Uganda the attraction of Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) is again insignificant. This is mainly attributed again to the poor institutional setup of the country and poor quality of man power in the bureaucracy.

As discussed above, it is very difficult for the developmental state to be democratic and if it becomes it will be at the cost of its own legitimacy. Such a development to become true it requires sacrifice for the benefit of a country, people and generation at the cost of personal or partisan interest. Though the assumption of maximizing self interest is rejected theoretically in the developmental state model, the world eyes are on Ethiopia on whether the benevolent government assumption works practically.

It is without a shred of doubt that the developmental state model has achieved a huge success in the academic arena, like communism and neoliberalism. However, it has numerous problems in its implementation. This is the time, for the stakeholders and citizens to rethink the pros and cons of this model and to make the adjustments and shifts.

By Abis Getachew Makuria
Head of Foreign Relations of EDP

Opinion expressed in this article is solely my own and does not reflect fully EDP’s view

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